Tuesday, September 30, 2008

Black Stool After Wine

Who wants to be stronger than everything, even reason. Letter to Morgan

Last night, during the La7 transmission The infidel, Gad Lerner has projected a video indignant that I already had its first broadcast on YouTube, as usual, preceded the Media ( which, however, have not spent a lot of words, apart from the usual suspects). This is a performance of Gentilini (giullaresco the first citizen of the city of Treviso) about immigrants. But beyond the video itself (disturbing, in addition to the obvious and unpunished racist position for a not too veiled apologia for fascism ), I believe that any discussions should be made on these words:

" What I say is the sum of what I say citizens. I am a big megaphone. I'm not afraid of anyone and say what I want."

a closer look is a summary of the entire political strategy current government that takes the most common clichés and makes it a bulwark in support of decree-laws (and alleged designs law) that pass under the nose of a center-left helpless, almost totally dormant and lost utopia of a dialogue both impossible and unnecessary.

Meanwhile, the champions of the Government approach the people, they acquire fears, stereotypes, prejudices ... and acting as spokesmen for credit as desired by the Italians "unconstitutional political maneuvers, often, even without specific reaffirm the usefulness ad personam, not of ethics and respect for all humanity.
So, with no other logical explanation except to satisfy a modus pensandi variously expanded, not action, for example, with serious modernization programs work processes based on merit, but it feeds the ' hate / bitterness towards the manager of the worker. A little 'as Alitalia : pilots and flight attendants bad, bad, overpaid workers who do not understand the needs of those eight hundred euro also guaranteed, and that allow cry in defense of their rights: better to fail in the hands of parties! ingrates, incapable of giving an appropriate value to the nights spent by the President to weave an Italian consortium. observers does not build multi-ethnic, not setting a network of intercultural mediation or a maneuver that uses entrepreneurship control of black labor (for color and mode) but pursued immigrants who are already here - and no matter if we end up in the cauldron also Italian citizens not "Aryan." Or if we beat the dead . does not (before) a serious program of education of Zingarelli, but puts them in a row (so you know that your children are not in every sense, are more like the future criminals of tomorrow!) and take their fingerprints. Meanwhile, the document control of children accompanying adults in the Italian airports is pretty ridiculous, if a child during school hours you will be begging on the street is "normal." It sponsors paths of cultural integration and religious , but prevents the prayer to Muslims, who in mosques plot against the state and against the security of the Italians.

The gospel, all of a sudden, another theologian: the politician.
So even Jesus Christ becomes the means to validate racist and sometimes ruthless. I've seen commodified on several occasions, but as the face of a racist policy, I, Christ I did not imagine at all. There will be so far away are the days when I attended catechism but I seem to remember that values \u200b\u200bsuch as acceptance, equality, fraternity ... I siano stati insegnati come inderogabili e non diversamente interpretabili rispetto al senso letterario. Ma anche in questo, la risposta del Governo è perfettamente coerente con la cristianità italica fatta di strani miscugli di modi d'intendere casalingo. E la Montagna più che da Maometto va dal suo Cristo.

Per la prima volta, in un Paese democratico e civile, i pregiudizi , anziché essere corretti, trovano un saldo appiglio governativo e diventano veicolo di trasmissione di una strategia ad personam , in un bizzarro do ut des . Tutto ciò è angosciante, tanto quanto l'immagine che ci viene prospettata della maggioranza degli italiani dipinta come un popolo (quello della libertà!) che trascorre i suoi giorni e le sue notti nella fervida attesa che il Suo Presidente venga liberato dai problemi giudiziari che lo affliggono, ché il pover'uomo non può sapientemente guidare il Paese se ogni tre per due qualcuno bussa alla porta per consegnargli un avviso di garanzia! Roba che spezza ogni "core de mamma".

In questo marasma si perde facilmente di vista l'obiettivo e si devia da ogni singolo problema reale , liquidandolo dietro una serie di discussioni sterili. Ammantandolo. Facendogli perdere la sua gravità. E tutto ciò è tanto più pericoloso se si considera che, dopo mesi di dialogo inseguito, l'unico scambio che emerge è il ridicolo “tu sei incapace e tu sei più incapace di me”. Ma in tale ottica l'unità di misura del politico italiano non è “l'incapacità”?

Saturday, September 27, 2008

Navy Blue Pinstripe Suit Tire

2008, flight from Campania

CASERTA - The nine white vans without rear seats, the lights at eleven o'clock at night. The men, squatting on the sheet, now we all are. In the square outside the highway to Caserta Nord, the women end up in the darkness to deliver the luggage for the week. A bag green head: seven beers and sandwiches with bacon, burnt because it retains. It seems all but ready and waiting for the caravan of new immigrants in the warm rain. Eighty-five not all have money. Children who bring cigarettes they want it now. Then the first Duchy, without any regards, it moves. The poor who leave every night from Campania, in the hundreds, reading cards with the address of factories and construction sites in Northern Ireland. Twenty euro per day, in black. Less of the African immigrants, or Eastern, that sew leather and cloth halls abusive Casal di Principe. If there is no work, nothing. "Climb" but it is a luxury. Those who "go away", who "worked up," buy the right to believe in something unexpected. "The marginal underclass - says John Laino, English Association Quarters of Naples - has become a collective destiny. There are more cases of redemption, poverty has become a heritage and legacy of generations". The failure policy, local and national, is this explosive social paralysis. Unthinkable for new Italian immigrants, pay rent, or move the family. They eat and sleep in vans. A week of hard work and a day of sleep, the only home, before returning to the exit. The other, thousands, are fleeing from poverty in the train. The wagons of the night without sleeping berths, end to fill in Naples. Young, full of plastic bags and babies, reach relatives in Bologna, Padua and Milan. Over forty years, however, are commuters. Waiters, laborers, drivers, laborers, soldiers from dawn to night to Rome, Florence, Bologna, Marche.
The South, in order to survive, after half a century defers running. The "renaissance field" is finished. In one year, from south to north, have migrated to 120 000. Fifty thousand only from Campania plus 65 000 26 000 commuters and emigrants abroad finished. Naples in 2007, has lost 14 percent of population. In the rest of the country few realize it. No one talks about. But the impressive mass of poor, mostly invisible to the statistics, is growing and frightening. "Most of the waste - says sociologist John Sgritta - most of the hooligans, the Roma or immigrants." Who is no alternative. Concept, Giugliano, raises six children in a room twelve feet square, without a floor and no plaster. He twenty-two years and managed to finish primary school. When everyone is in bed for a few hours ago into who pays it. Antonio, in June, has lost his pizzeria Mondragone. Strangled by the loan, has not paid the rate which the all'usuraio sent his bank. "He was a friend - he says - to punish me rape his wife of fifty years." It is in this wilderness that the state over the Campania to the "System". The Camorra is fed vacuum. Acerra, to give a lesson to children who did not want to become "poles" in a night made saw benches, trees and lamp posts. A Benevento stop stealing old cans at the supermarket. Or pay half, or the food is seized. "Now - says Gaetano Romano, director of Caritas bell - the only crime he has money to invest and work to offer. The region is transformed into a holding company Camorra. Thousands of parents, these days, they could buy school books due to the drug dealers. For the first time the weariness of the poor, the anger of the concentration of immigrants and criminals, create a push shoreless. So, Naples and Campania, in the abyss of racism. "There is unfortunately an emergency. It is, however, the new generation: the poor of the South, rapidly growing in Italy are no longer an issue and no public moves in front at the outbreak of their despair. Decades of alarms, magnified to cash in, and now that the tide rises really rotten in racism, mind you no one there. "The poor are anonymous and tiring - he says his father Antonio Hurtado Valletti in the center of escape - and make us ashamed. For the country are no longer an item of expenditure. Approval imposes an intervention. Advertising, public lady, do not like: on TV, do not exist. So the policy has no interest to extend the space of their rights. We must acknowledge that we are the Africa of Europe with more dignity and less violence. "The numbers confirm this. Campania is now the European region with the highest concentration of poor families, unemployed, women who do not work and age in poverty. Just under 2 million in the region, only 240 000 in Naples. Nearly one in three has no need for survival. Two su dieci non mangiano più di tre volte alla settimana. Otto su dieci non possono pagare l'affitto. I disoccupati sfiorano il 40 per cento. Tra chi lavora, due su dieci guadagna meno di mille euro al mese, uno su dieci meno di 500. Oltre la metà dei residenti accumula almeno 200 euro di debiti al mese. Il pil pro capite è di 16 mila euro all'anno, contro i 33 mila della Lombardia. Un contratto su due è a termine. La dispersione scolastica è del 45 per cento. Tra le 80 regioni europee più arretrate, occupa la posizione numero 68. I poveri, nel Meridione, sono ormai poco meno di 6 milioni. "L'agghiacciante verità taciuta - dice Luigi Tamburro, presidente del banco alimentare di Caserta, il più grande d'Italia - è che migliaia people and children are now hungry. The company's competitiveness, based on consumption, has exhausted its reservoir of humanity. Are we alone in front of an Italian tragedy of which ignores the danger. "Hundreds of debates, political, historical and literary rhetoric about the" southern question ", no real help. Italy, with Greece, is the only European nation not have a plan to combat poverty. The only one to have removed all support. did the money for the check, € 350 per month, of the Campania Region. The annual report of the Commission against social exclusion, ignored. The new government has never even met. This is the day of San Gennaro, patron saint of Naples, the table on the Piazza del Carmine bursts. In a row between the elderly and immigrants, including parents and children. They speak of the massacre of Africans in the night to Castelvolturno. They condemn the revolt against the killings of immigrants. "This time - says Gary, who is unemployed with two children in her arms - the Casalesi have done well. Negroes were punished: they steal jobs and we end up eating the priests." A new war, not only among the poor, but between them and the crime that defeated the state must defend itself from the revolt of their killers, or new competitors. "The Campania - says Alex Zanotelli, a missionary of Health - is no longer a significant reservoir of slaves to the North. The country has chosen and Muslims neri, per pagare ancora meno la mano d'opera clandestina e ammorbidire l'islam. Lo scontro esplode qui: italiani poveri contro stranieri poveri. Vincono i secondi, perché la Campania ormai è la piattaforma logistica per le scorie non smaltibili dell'Europa. Solo un africano accetta di vivere in una discarica e riconosce l'affare spietato tra politica e criminalità, il patto massone per la "somalizzazione" del Sud. Lo Stato ci mette terra, uomini e miseria, la camorra soldi e controllo. Non si capisce che siamo prossimi all'esplosione. Chi può scappa: nelle strade si agita una massa di disperati che non ha più nulla da perdere". Dopo trent'anni di rifiuti tossici che hanno distrutto l'agricoltura, qui si aspettavano i soldati per reclaim the land. Instead, the military arrive to oversee new landfills and new incinerators. "The symbolic image - says Maurizio Braucci among the writers of" Gomorrah "- is to Ponticelli. A crowd of poor, ragged and dirty, hidden behind mountains of garbage, that stone families of gypsies on the run. It is the symbol of Campania, but also the country that has chosen the militarization of society. Indifferenti evidence of the scandal, because the mediators of the poverty they live in fear, because those who have voice and power belongs to the system that transforms the chronic emergency in poverty " . Yet Italy in recession, which denies or minimizes, which overflows with this misery must come to terms. The abyss is not built more extreme cases, but normal. Lucia, in Sant'Angelo dei Lombardi, collects a monthly pension of 580 €. It spends 360 rent and 100 to help the child who is unemployed. "For food, bills, medicine and clothes - he says - I still have 4 € a day." Aversa dozens of children go to school Monday, Wednesday and Friday. Tuesday, Thursday and Saturday working for the crime: 50 € per day, to pay for room and board in the family. "The country - says Father Luigi Merola, a former parish priest in Forcella, forced to leave for the death threats and today under guard - not surrender to poverty. Cut funding to education, pretending that employment is a question of market , condemning the poor delinquency. The acceleration of drift in the southern Campania and misery in the sight of all, is appalling. If you do not become the central problem of the country, federalism will result in a de facto division northerner. The only army in the South was afraid of was that the teachers take them to target the consensus is to admit through the control of the Camorra. "The people, apathetic made by a history of bullying and humiliation, is shaken by a new fear." Even solidarity - the sociologist says Enrica Morlicchio - is exhausted. Cities and towns are in the hands of usurers, who launder money by blackmailing the poor. The houses in Campania are stores of weapons and drugs: the only source of income also for decent families. "consoles in living rooms you remember the misery of war. But now the spectrum has a specific profile," the assault to the furnaces, "the revolt of the poor against the state absent ignore them." The government - Brick says Antonio community of Sant'Egidio - no longer fight against poverty, but against the poor. The violence this year in Naples, against the landfill, anti-Roma and anti-immigrant, has been rewarded. The lesson is simple: if it is filmed by television, according to electoral opportunities, the violence of the square decide. A short civil in Campania can overwhelm everyone. The poor now are the majority, do not respond to anyone, they begin to join. The South in poverty, based on migrants, immigrants and criminals, is wiping out the political hostage of finance: Italy is in danger of losing the trust is not in the shot, but in democracy. "As the Navy. For thirty years living in a basement Villa Literno thanks to 600 € granted to children suffering from encephalitis. It is midday and the eldest son, who is unemployed, sleeping before the fire off. The other daughter, separated, now has no food for three children. Tonight have taken while he was about to jump from the balcony in the alley. "If the assist - he says - I can not work. If I work, I lose the right to his check. "A fracture history, breaking the link between poverty, power and favor. Thousands of ghosts, in Campania, wonder what that means, if you still have a value, to be free. "The dark is cutting the country - says Marco Rossi Doria, master of the road - is the end of the interest of policy for those who need justice. Dell'Italietta cowardice, the collective removal of poverty, enables institutions to compare exclusively with the economy. The cuts to the school, which pushed back the children of the South in the streets, are the symbol of a final sentence to the Mafia. This particular ferocity against the poor, with the weapon of education denied in the name of rigor, is the go-ahead for public crime. " No one in Campania, welfarism relies on the patronage of the failed past. In a land divided between flight and war, there is shame, however, more to launch a "national alarm over the poor." "Every week - says the sociologist Henry Rebeggiani - there are hundreds of single women. It had never happened. The region, like the rest of the South, is emptied of enterprising young people. Politics is reduced to recruiting arrogant leader of rebellions multiplied possible: usually happens when authoritarian regimes are bound to fall ". For this reason, deal with change with the emergency which calls upon the army, police and patrols, increases the retreat. "The country - says Andrea Morniroli cooperative Dedalus - must recognize a new responsibility to the poor. Sacrificing the Campania and the south against the paranoia of the left Berlusconi, not only legitimizes the corruption of power distracts a social conscience and drag Italy out of poverty armed regional and national culture of backwardness. "Ante saecula In via S. Maria 109, district in Naples Health gray house of Toto, closed and almost impossible to find, is abandoned. It seems to collapse. In the "low" have opened a workshop abusive. The city had promised the world a museum. It was sold to an anonymous private. A policeman pulls a sheet blue, hung out to dry by house opposite. It also covers the plate, dirty and unreadable. Maybe it clear who, in anticipation of a tragedy, made them laugh. And it was mistaken for a comedian.

(giampaolo fresh faces, repubblica.it)

Thursday, September 25, 2008

Angel Lola Luv Freeones

(My reads) The perfect city, a novel imperfect


the perfect city Angelo Petrella is a long and nervous romance set in the nineties, in Naples, a city that is present in the evocative language and yet lacking in substance. Three characters (a cop, a student, a drug dealer) are chasing each other, sometimes crossing, in a carousel of crime, riots, boiling, various decay. Ultras, the Camorra, pusher, killer. Students antagonists that slip from employment to subversion. Corrupt cops and cocaine addicts, secret service men (corrupt) politicians (corrupt), principals (corrupt), workers (fools).
The picture is bleak: no difference, everything is held. The Camorra organized supporters' groups enter, the policemen alternate service to the Law and the bosses, students buy weapons to fight the Camorra a "system", which is not the crime but that of the State, which does not seem so different, for methods, morality, goals.
Cocaine and drugs as if it rains, murder victims, sometimes mixing some 'pull (the young daughter of the headmaster of the Genoese woman who becomes the mistress of the Camorra policeman and a sorceress and a cocaine trafficker in arms with the willingness of the father, who wants to make the commissioner by order of the Camorra: well).
All written with a dirty language, a slang, a dialect of Italian reconstructed from fragments and curses and clichés and interlayer. Each of the three characters is told in first person, changing, though, just his way of speaking. Mark then, student or cop or drug dealer, the language is at the bottom. The voice of the street. As the unwinding of a long chat.
The book seemed perfect. Its strengths are the good plot and action moving forward. We see that Petrella handling skills with the tools of the thrilling, seeding tracks and then collects, holds good rhythm. But the story, frankly, it seems forced. The points of inconsistency are many, there is no internal consistency to the characters and their plot, il linguaggio mi ha infastidito, la storia, in alcuni passaggi, mi è sembrata poco plausibile. Mi sono chiesto, alla fine, se riconoscevo nel libro la Napoli degli anni Novanta, quella che io ho vissuto e che ricordo bene.
Mi sono risposto di no.
Perfetta o imperfetta, nel romanzo di Petrella la città vera non c’è.


Titolo La città perfetta
Autore Angelo Petrella
Prezzo € 17,60
2008, 507 p., rilegato
Editore Garzanti (collana Narratori moderni)

Wednesday, September 24, 2008

Blocked Nose And Guitar

A real turning point for the 'Administration Marano

E’ un po’ che non aggiorno il mio blog. Succede di inciampare in un periodo senza parole. Forse è talmente troppo quello che si agita intorno. Perhaps it is so repetitive and hopeless at times to stop, and then reflect, and then organize your thoughts, and then say something sensible, it becomes difficult.
After all, the silence has its own dignity.
interrupts him to say something about each other a very "local " which may seem out of tune on an instrument like this "global " but which, even in the vortex of the territorial network, is a logic.
I speak of Marano, the city where I live. And speaking of municipal government, of which I am being part of City Council majority, as well as secretary of the Democratic Party.
We are in the city government for two years. We combined little. I would say anything but I refrain. I think, as a citizen, I can say that Marano has moved back over two years ago. Some services have disappeared (Napolipass subsidized subscriptions, introduction to sports for children at risk, social gardens), public works are a distant memory (there is nothing in the race and then nothing will be seen in 2008 and 2009), efforts to Culture and leisure do not see more (film Siani, thick at the expense of the City, is limited to project a movie in the desert summer Marano, after fifteen years, is gone), traffic, mobility, livability are levels of nervous breakdown. Legality is an abstract concept: the boys on scooters do not wear helmets, dealers have put the goods on the sidewalks, political parties, committees, associations attack posters on bus shelters and on the walls of the buildings and not in the spaces provided (there were years that did not happen).
All this is visible to everyone. Even that is not seen, not better. The local machine is in disarray, the facilities owned by the city are handled by private treaty, without competition, to individuals who do not pay no rent or utilities or maintenance but derive revenue from the management of spaces (straight sports bar) with no guarantee, sometimes in the absence of regulation, adequate social fallout and good management, the situation financial contribution is exhausted. There is no money in cash because the current expenditure exceeds revenue. And the outlook is even worse because they are at the gates to millions of euro debts inherited from the past that if you put them all together in payment, would lead to the crack.
Faced with a situation of such complexity, a group of us counselors majority has put forward a proposal for change. A proposal for common sense. We said that in two years if he had not accomplished anything, it was necessary to introduce changes to restore confidence and hope to achieve some results.
We also said what were the necessary changes: a new program, a new method of management, new men, with more powers and motivation.
A proposal - I repeat - of common sense, that left a clear discomfort at all and the need of all, to organize a more efficient administration.
After the proposal we made all the necessary steps, putting the inevitable, exhausting assembly of political negotiation. We requested and obtained by zeroing Mayor of the City Council, preparatory to its renewal, we have worked on a paper together, we built more meetings in an attempt to broker an agreement.
I must say that after several days of arduous debate, today we are at a decisive point. We have two front

strade: una porta al rinnovamento, un’altra all’immobilismo. Quella del rinnovamento prevede un atto di forza del sindaco e gesti di responsabilità delle forze politiche. Il primo cittadino deve avere il coraggio di costruire una giunta comunale con assessori competenti, motivati, di sua fiducia, capaci di governare la città. Le forze politiche devono avere il coraggio di fare un passo indietro e indicare al sindaco nomi nuovi, rinnovati, con nuove motivazioni, più competenza, più idee e più voglia di fare.
La città non può più aspettare.
Io spero che il sindaco da una parte e le forze politiche dall’altra abbiano la maturità di cogliere la drammaticità del momento e la necessità, mandatory set of choices.
If someone asks me, though, if they are optimistic about the success of the event, I am forced to say no. I move, in the final hours, the temptation of easy choices. Political parties want change but do not want others to question themselves. No one wants to move his. Everyone wants to change both the other, with the result, of course, that nothing can change.
The mayor, on his behalf, has the power conferred on him by law, to act with authority and still build an addition of value, irrespective of the wishes of political parties. You may exercise this prerogative in the name of public good and needs the city of being well governed. Would gain in political stature, and in authority, efficiency. And I believe there are any political conditions that they may be others to follow him.
Again, unfortunately, are pessimistic. I feel tempted to leave the air all the same, to restore the old pattern and make, essentially, ignore it.
I do not know how it will end. I know, however, that there is a need - and there are all conditions - to produce a significant change of pace.
If it does not happen, the political forces (including those who say they want change but then did not act to cause it), about who governs them from e dall’esterno, e sul capo dell’amministrazione, cadrebbe la responsabilità dello sfascio.
Nessuno, un giorno, potrà dire “io non c’entro”.
Nemmeno io, purtroppo, che pure sto lottando, con i miei compagni di partito, per una svolta vera.

Tuesday, September 9, 2008

Gold Metal Core Scooter Wheels

The long list of delights


Si sta facendo un gran parlare dell'intervento di Roberto Saviano al Festival della letteratura di Mantova. Le cronache ci raccontano di un Saviano teso ed efficace, in jeans e camicia bianca, col microfono stretto nel pugno come i rapper, che emoziona la platea con un lungo racconto sul sé stesso "recluso" nella libertà di parola.
We talk about fear. Of what are you and what you do. Saviano of fear makes it so much because his words come. And we're with him because, probably unwillingly, has become a symbol in some way as sacrificial for all symbols of a battle that seems impossible.
Saviano also spoke of newspapers. He shows a few titles released on Chronicles of Naples and Caserta Courier, two newspapers who live in Campania crime. "Don Peppe Diana was a Camorra," as one headline of the two newspapers shortly after the death of the priest, taking up and quotes a phrase from a turncoat. And then another. To get to say that these areas exist on a sort of "release of respect", that casts eye to the Camorra and achieves a nearly contiguous.
I have not had the opportunity to hear directly the involvement of Saviano a Mantova. I know that the news coverage, the need for synthesis, sometimes force the thoughts and simplify concepts articulated. But if Robert wanted to say that these papers are in collusion with organized crime, I disagree.
know the rituals of the crime. I made it for many years. The language is essential, we dig in the dynamics, we recall the nicknames, the links, they look behind the scenes, they tell the details, rebuild alliances and feuds.
You put your ear to the ground, of course. There is limited to tissue law enforcement or the Note of the Public Prosecutor. He also lives down the alley. You live and you live to blow the clan. A great
nerista Morning, Enzo Perez, when he walked to Naples was regarded with respect by Guaglione Camorra. He had an association with those environments, could penetrate the pall of suspicion and this came up when a crime was done to give the identity of the murdered man and was able to frame the already done. Then he recounted. Carefully move because he knew. But with all the possible balance. The
nerista so. A hound that is the tightrope walker. A tightrope nosy a bit 'cop, a little' Camorra.
I must say that our colleagues in the Chronicles of Naples (I do not know what Caserta) carry this insidious and difficult job with skill. They built a log on all black. Are read by the protagonists of their pieces. And why are not identified and protected. Write about the Camorra, to be read by the people that the Camorra looks with a hint of admiration. Reports should be strong in the clubs, bars, in arcades. The attraction is the "capuzzelle": Reports publishes the photo ID of all detainees. And in districts and countries where the Neapolitan pass, as they Panini, to recognize, and perhaps identify with.
And 'course, looking at that market share, it chronicles the calculator language, style, and go find the textures, background. Sometimes also a bit of mythologizing.
The point is: Chronicles becomes a megaphone and a tool of the Camorra, perhaps unwittingly?
The risk is real. But no more than it is in the newspapers and political parties over economic ones in relation to the powers and those from the great cultural imprints.
It 's a problem of measurement.
E 'Chronicles of Naples that the Camorra uses or uses that chronicles the Camorra in Naples?
I believe the first hypothesis.
We should rather ask why the Camorra, in Naples, so as to maintain a daily market. Make a journal all about black this and it keeps selling. If we were a newspaper about books e scrittori non lo comprerebbe nessuno. Il malaffare, a Napoli, tira. E questo accade perchè la fascinazione, e la capacità di penetrazione sociale, del crimine è molto più potente di quanto ci piace pensare.
Noi amiamo consolarci dicendo che Napoli è piena di persone oneste e che i delinquenti sono una minoranza.
Io non credo più a questa favola. C'è un'area grigia - una classe media, direi -, una sorta di borghesia del male, che non delinque in modo classico ma pompa ossigeno nei polmoni del crimine. Mi riferisco ai commercialisti che fanno finta di non sapere che il loro cliente ricicla i soldi della camorra aprendo negozi e ristoranti; mi riferisco agli architetti e agli ingegneri che fanno pretend not to know that their customers are manufacturers who recycle the money into building clan, I mean the good people who manage the stores, recycling money making pizza and frying donuts, I mean those organizations that receive grants Friends of Friends or sponsorship from companies in the clan, and pretend not to know where the money and then spend it in meetings, activities and feel good because they have a good end, but never speak of the media. I refer to those parts of the entrepreneurial class who enter into agreements with commercial companies that recycle dirty money and pretend not to know, I mean all that multitude of good people that establish functional relationships, useful, with territorial and economic segments of the Camorra, and that clears the conscience by saying that they have nothing to do, that certain things belong to the police, that they are clean why do not you are guilty of nothing.
And maybe when they can also speak ill of the Camorra.
that of others, though.
I believe that evil will nest in this very long list of complacency, which expands the power of the system and makes it pervasive, and therefore invincible. In this sense
worries me more well-paid advertising firms on the Camorra major newspaper that good sales country by country, by a small newspaper in black, with little publicity and many copies sold (which is a guarantee of true independence), he "played" on a piece of the market and take some risks, slipping slip some bold and smart, try to stay afloat.

Friday, September 5, 2008

Brent Everett January 2010

Small personal note